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Senile Museveni forget Acholi is part of Uganda
Senile Museveni forget Acholi is part of Uganda
The Acholi sub-region is drowning in poverty and despair, yet the aging despot Museveni seems oblivious to the suffering of these Ugandan citizens. With 60% of the population in Acholi living in absolute poverty and education levels disastrously low, the glossy faรงade of Gulu City is nothing but a cruel illusion. Venture beyond its borders to places like Koch Lii village, and the harsh reality of Museveni’s neglect becomes painfully clear.
Since 1986, when Museveni clawed his way to power through violence in an election he didn’t win, Acholi has been ravaged by war and abandoned by those in power. Under his watch, both the LRA and his NRA/UPDF forces unleashed unspeakable horrors on the peopleโmassacres, rapes, mass displacements, and the plundering of livestock. Decades later, Museveni’s regime has done nothing to compensate those who endured these atrocities. Instead, it continues to sow distrust by allegedly eliminating prominent Acholi leaders like General Lokech, Colonel Ochola, and the late Rt. Hon. Jacob Oulanyah.
Moreover, while the region cries out for basic needsโhospitals with doctors and equipment, schools that actually educate, and protection from armed herdsmen trampling their landsโMuseveni’s regime has the audacity to spend UGX 5 billion on parliamentary extravagance in Gulu. This grotesque display of corruption only underscores how out of touch the regime is with the real, dire needs of the people.
Forests are being destroyed for charcoal, young girls are being forced into marriages by poverty-stricken families, and armed Balalo herdsmen, seemingly supported by the regime, are displacing communities and grazing cattle on land that belongs to the struggling wanainchi. The challenges facing Acholi are immense, yet Museveni’s government continues to treat them as an afterthought.
It’s high time the regime acknowledges the plight of the Acholi and takes real action to address the decades of neglect and abuse. Northern Uganda has suffered long enough under the weight of Museveni’s indifference and corruption. The people of Acholi deserve more than empty promises and flashy displaysโthey deserve justice, dignity, and the chance to rebuild their lives.
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There is a contradiction at the heart of DICTATOR Museveniโs relationship with Teso. For over four decades, his political establishment has relied on influential Iteso personalities to hold Eastern Uganda, secure loyalty and signal that the region has a stake in the state.
Yet again and again, some of the regionโs most prominent figures have been discarded, politically weakened or pushed out. In the most disturbing case, one now faces the security machinery he once helped command.
So, the question is no longer why despot Museveni appoints Iteso leaders. It is what happens when those leaders gain enough influence to act on their own. Does he want powerful Iteso leaders, or only influential scarecrow bootlickers who stay permanently dependent on him?
๐ ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐๐๐ฉ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฒ ๐๐ซ๐ฆ๐ฒ ๐๐ก๐ข๐๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ฎ๐ ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐ฏ๐
Peter Elwelu did not come from nowhere. He joined the army in 1987 and spent almost four decades in the military establishment. He commanded the Land Forces from 2017 to 2021, then served as Deputy Chief of Defence Forces. In March 2024, Elwelu started his exit movements with a presidential advisory role and later retired. No official reason was given.
Army insiders linked the move to a top-level standby order he had issued, which they said caused needless tension.
On 2 November, the army announced that security forces had arrested the General in Soroti City following a manhunt over alleged subversive activities aimed at destabilising Teso. The army says it recovered 15 guns, military fatigues and two pickup trucks allegedly linked to him.
His family rejects the claim that he was organising a rebellion. The army says he will face the General Court Martial, but the army has not disclosed the precise charges or when he will appear in court, and the allegations remain unproven.
Those are serious allegations, and they must be investigated. Nobody is above the law, including a retired general. But the way this case unfolded raises a larger question.
How does a man who spent decades serving the state and held the second-highest military office end up being paraded like a chicken thief and portrayed as a threat to the country he defended relentlessly all his life?
And why has the state suddenly become so concerned about his influence in Teso?
The sequence matters. The friction predates the arrest. “Credible reporting” this week describes disputes over unauthorised troop movements, serious enough that panicky Museveni summoned the second-highest military command to resolve the differences after Elwelu questioned movements of units without proper authorisation.
In the weeks before the arrest, Elweluโs driver had been arrested and his last vehicle seized, and said more than 20 former soldiers who served under Elwelu had been picked up.
The Uganda Law Society has condemned trial by media and demanded that he be produced before a court within 48 hours. The public deserves answers, not propaganda, intimidation or a trial conducted through press statements.
๐ ๐ฉ๐๐ญ๐ญ๐๐ซ๐ง, ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ ๐ฌ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐๐ฌ๐
Elwelu looks different when set beside the other Teso figures who have left power.
General Jeje Odongo joined the army in 1979, commanded it from 1998 to 2001, and held the defence, internal affairs and foreign affairs portfolios.
He was no ordinary appointee but a veteran of the NRA struggle and one of the longest-serving figures in Museveniโs establishment. After about 47 years, he was dropped from cabinet on 26 May 2026 with no official reason given. Some in Teso saw it as an effort to kick out a man who had been powerful and who could easily call out Museveni, to tell him the naked truth in his face.
Relatedly, Musa Ecweru served as a state minister for two decades and became one of the most recognisable NRM faces in Teso. He lost the party primary in Amuria County, withdrew from the race as an independent and was dropped from cabinet in the same reshuffle.
Two lesser-known Teso ministers, Hellen Adoa and Grace Asamo, went as well, while Adoa had already lost her Serere seat. Taken together, these exits sparked wide discussion in Teso about the regionโs shrinking positioning in the theater of national affairs.
On the other hand, Anita Amongโs story is completely different and it should be told as such. We all saw how she was threatened and forced to withdraw from the Speakership race amid fake allegation of corruption and money-laundering investigations, and she was never charged in court.
Panicky Museveni ordered her released from house arrest and the case against her was dropped. She denies wrongdoing. Her case also proves ethnic targeting and show how precarious proximity to power can be, even at the top of an elected institution.
Losing a primary or a cabinet seat without any reasonable justification is enough evidence of persecution, and some of these exits have ethnic explanations. Mike Mukula, for example, was dropped from the 2006 cabinet over alleged mismanagement of Global Fund grants. When so many influential figures from one region leave the national stage in a short period, it is fair to ask what that means for the regionโs influence.
Teso knows political marginalisation better than any other region in Uganda. The region lived through the insurgency of the 1980s and the Lordโs Resistance Army incursion that followed. Museveniโs government understood early that bringing influential Iteso into the national establishment was an critical instrument but also very risky. Ateker Ejalu was made a minister of state in 1987 as a reconciliation gesture, while Stanislas Okurut held several ministries from 1986 and helped lead peace talks with Teso rebels. Odongo, Ecweru and Elwelu later became part of the wider architecture through which the NRM built its political and security presence in the east.
There is nothing wrong with appointing people from Teso but the problem begins when representation becomes transactional, when a community is offered positions selectively instead of power and its leaders become instruments of management rather than independent voices of positive influence.
The pattern in who stays is telling. Jessica Alupo has been Vice President since 2021 and was retained in 2026. Lt Gen Sam Okiding has been deputy chief of defence forces since 2024. Both hold senior posts without an independent base of their own and the time they attempt to have a voice, Museveni will either jail and drop or even kill them.
The people who run into trouble are those who grew large enough to matter on their own account and communities. A minister may sit in cabinet and a general may command troops, but neither has security of tenure. The critical distinction is between being appointed to exercise authority and being allowed to exercise it.
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Museveniโs criminal system is uncomfortable with independent centres of power, and Teso happens to have produced several: military officers, political mobilisers and senior ministers with real connections to the state.
A community with that record cannot be managed forever through ceremonial appointments.
This is where Elweluโs case matters most. The alleged plot is for investigators and the courts to establish, and it would be irresponsible to declare him guilty now. The allegation that he planned to destabilise Teso, the community where he built his public identity is the most stupid panicky accusation ever.
Tesoโs leaders clearly feel the stakes. Soroti City West MP Calvin Echodu has appealed to ruthless Museveni to intervene, and other leaders are pushing for a meeting between despot Museveni and Elwelu.
๐๐จ๐ฒ๐๐ฅ๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฆ๐๐ง ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐ฅ๐จ๐ฒ๐๐ฅ๐ญ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ
The deepest lesson of the affair is the danger of a system in which loyalty to one individual foreigner outranks loyalty to the nation.
A general should serve the Constitution, a minister should serve the public, and a president should not mistake independence or the existence of influential people in their constituency for a threat to the state.
