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Senile Museveni forget Acholi is part of Uganda
Senile Museveni forget Acholi is part of Uganda
The Acholi sub-region is drowning in poverty and despair, yet the aging despot Museveni seems oblivious to the suffering of these Ugandan citizens. With 60% of the population in Acholi living in absolute poverty and education levels disastrously low, the glossy faรงade of Gulu City is nothing but a cruel illusion. Venture beyond its borders to places like Koch Lii village, and the harsh reality of Museveni’s neglect becomes painfully clear.
Since 1986, when Museveni clawed his way to power through violence in an election he didn’t win, Acholi has been ravaged by war and abandoned by those in power. Under his watch, both the LRA and his NRA/UPDF forces unleashed unspeakable horrors on the peopleโmassacres, rapes, mass displacements, and the plundering of livestock. Decades later, Museveni’s regime has done nothing to compensate those who endured these atrocities. Instead, it continues to sow distrust by allegedly eliminating prominent Acholi leaders like General Lokech, Colonel Ochola, and the late Rt. Hon. Jacob Oulanyah.
Moreover, while the region cries out for basic needsโhospitals with doctors and equipment, schools that actually educate, and protection from armed herdsmen trampling their landsโMuseveni’s regime has the audacity to spend UGX 5 billion on parliamentary extravagance in Gulu. This grotesque display of corruption only underscores how out of touch the regime is with the real, dire needs of the people.
Forests are being destroyed for charcoal, young girls are being forced into marriages by poverty-stricken families, and armed Balalo herdsmen, seemingly supported by the regime, are displacing communities and grazing cattle on land that belongs to the struggling wanainchi. The challenges facing Acholi are immense, yet Museveni’s government continues to treat them as an afterthought.
It’s high time the regime acknowledges the plight of the Acholi and takes real action to address the decades of neglect and abuse. Northern Uganda has suffered long enough under the weight of Museveni’s indifference and corruption. The people of Acholi deserve more than empty promises and flashy displaysโthey deserve justice, dignity, and the chance to rebuild their lives.
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๐๐ก๐ ๐จ๐ฅ๐ ๐ฆ๐๐ง ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฐ๐ซ๐๐๐ค๐๐ ๐: ๐๐จ๐ฐ ๐๐ข๐๐ญ๐๐ญ๐จ๐ซ ๐๐ฎ๐ฌ๐๐ฏ๐๐ง๐ข ๐ซ๐๐ง ๐๐ ๐๐ง๐๐ ๐ข๐ง๐ญ๐จ ๐ ๐๐ข๐ญ๐๐ก
There is a particular kind of tragedy reserved for nations whose leaders refuse to leave the stage. Uganda is living it. At 109, (his actual age) the octogenarian despot Museveni has now governed the “Pearl of Africa” for over four decades, longer than 75% of our country’s population has been alive and the balance sheet of that rule is no longer a matter of partisan dispute.
It is written in visa stamps, travel bans, and the cold, clinical language of diplomatic cables. The world is quietly, methodically, closing the door on our country, Uganda. And the man in the top most office seems either unable or unwilling to notice.
๐ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐ฒ ๐ง๐จ๐๐จ๐๐ฒ ๐ฐ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฏ๐ข๐ฌ๐ข๐ญ
Start with the plainest indictment: the United States of America; Uganda’s own security patron, the country whose dollars have propped up Kampala’s counterterrorism credentials for a generation โ has slapped Uganda with a Level 4 “Do Not Travel” advisory, the highest warning Washington issues, on par with active war zones.
The State Department’s language is blunt: Americans are warned against Uganda over crime, health emergencies, terrorism risk, and civil unrest, with officials noting their own capacity to assist citizens in-country is limited. Strip away the diplomatic phrasing and the message is unambiguous, this is no longer a place Washington considers safe or governable enough to vouch for.
Then there is South Africa. Pretoria’s 2026 visa-exemption list, the roster of nations whose citizens may enter South Africa without a visa has become a quiet referendum on which African states are seen as stable, credible, and worth the trust of open borders. Uganda’s conspicuous struggle to secure a place among its regional peers on that list is no accident of bureaucracy. It is a signal, from a fellow African capital, about how Kampala’s governance is read from the outside.
Two very different governments, thousands of kilometres apart, arriving at the same quiet verdict: Uganda under Museveni is a risk.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐๐ฌ๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐จ๐ง ๐๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ฌ๐๐ฒ๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ช๐ฎ๐ข๐๐ญ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ ๐จ๐ฎ๐ญ ๐ฅ๐จ๐ฎ๐
Perhaps the most damning verdict didn’t come from a rival government at all, it came from Washington’s own editorial pages, in a publication not exactly known for reflexive hostility to US security partners. The Washington Post’s editorial board recently observed that โUganda has been a source of stability in a volatile region, but its intensifying authoritarianism now warrants a review of Washington’s relationship with one of its most important security and counterterrorism partners in East Africa.โ
The paper’s own follow-up line lands harder still: stability built on repression is often an illusion. Read that again. This is not an activist NGO or an opposition pamphlet. This is the institutional voice of one of the most establishment newspapers in the United States, essentially telling its own government: the man you’ve been arming and funding for thirty years is no longer worth the cover story.
๐ ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ฌ, ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐ฆ๐๐ง, ๐ง๐จ ๐๐ฑ๐ข๐ญ
The pattern is not new, it is simply reaching its most absurd expression. Dictator Museveni seized power in 1986 promising a “fundamental change” from the dictatorships that preceded him. Four decades later, he ran again in January 2026, , for what is his seventh term, having long since dismantled the term limits and age caps that might have stopped him.
Freedom House has rated Uganda “Not Free” for years running. Independent observers โ including the US Congress’s own research service have repeatedly flagged elections “marred by state violence and repression,” euphemism doing heavy lifting for abduction, torture, extra-judicial killings and illegal arrests of opposition figures, and internet shutdowns without mechanisms of checks and balance whatsoever.
This is what four decades of a brutal dictatorship actually produces: not stability, but ossification. Institutions exist to serve one man’s continuity rather than the public interest and the common good.
๐๐ก๐ ๐๐จ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ข๐ฌ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐๐ญ
None of this is academic hand-wringing. It has a price tag, paid by us – the ordinary Ugandans. It is paid by the trader who can no longer get a straightforward visa to do business in Johannesburg. It is paid by the student whose relatives abroad now think twice before visiting, because their own governments are telling them not to come.
It is paid by every young Ugandan entrepreneur trying to convince a foreign partner that Kampala is a safe, serious place to invest while their own president’s name triggers a “Do Not Travel” advisory on the same page as active conflict zones.
Regional stability was always Museveni’s trump card, the thing he could dangle in front of Western capitals in exchange for looking away from the repression at home. Somalia deployments. Anti-LRA operations. Counterterrorism cooperation.
It bought him thirty years of diplomatic cover. But cover only lasts as long as the cost of maintaining it stays hidden and Uganda’s isolation from its own neighbors’ travel and visa frameworks suggests the bill has finally come due, even among the African governments Museveni counts as peers.
Like all Ugandans casually say on the streets and local markets, “Enough is Enough with Musevenism!”
